who discussed control and the principle of specialization with regard to manufacturing workers ?

Description

https://quizlet.com › 95335854 › principles-of-management-ch-2-flash-cards

https://quizlet.com › 95335854 › principles-of-management-ch-2-flash-cards
Principles of management Ch. 2 Flashcards | Quizlet
In 1776 Smith discussed control and the principle of specialization with regard to manufacturing workers. a classical management approach that attempted to build into operations the specific procedures and processes that would ensure coordination of effort to achieve established goals and plans.

https://www.coursehero.com › file › 54512840 › In-1776docx

https://www.coursehero.com › file › 54512840 › In-1776docx
In 1776.docx – 1. In 1776, _ discussed control and the principle of …
In 1776, _____ discussed control and the principle of specialization with regard to manufacturing workers. 2. A. Douglas McGregor B. Max Weber C. Frederick Taylor D. Abraham Maslow E. Adam Smith 3. _____ refer (s) to reductions in the average cost of a unit of production as the total volume produced increases. 4.

https://www.coursehero.com › file › p3f72n9 › p-27-In-1776-discussed-control-and-the-principle-of-specialization-with-regard

https://www.coursehero.com › file › p3f72n9 › p-27-In-1776-discussed-control-and-the-principle-of-specialization-with-regard
P 27 in 1776 discussed control and the principle of – Course Hero
27) A. Douglas McGregor B. Max Weber C. Frederick Taylor D. Abraham Maslow E. Adam Smith In 1776 Adam Smith discussed control and the principle of specialization with regard to manufacturing workers. E. Adam Smith Adam Smith is also known as Father of Economics. He is well-known for his philosophy of compensating wage differentiation.

https://quizlet.com › 275230709 › managment-quiz-2-flash-cards

https://quizlet.com › 275230709 › managment-quiz-2-flash-cards
MANAGMENT QUIZ 2 Flashcards | Quizlet
Research on sociotechnical systems theory was a precursor to the total quality management (TQM) movement. True Management could not emerge as a formal discipline even after the industrial revolution ended. False In 1776, _____ discussed control and the principle of specialization with regard to manufacturing workers. Adam Smith

https://scholaron.com › homework-answers › multiple-choice-questions-31in-1776–1523340

https://scholaron.com › homework-answers › multiple-choice-questions-31in-1776–1523340
Solved > Multiple Choice Questions 31.In 1776, _____ discussed:1523340 …
In 1776, _____ discussed control and the principle of specialization with regard to manufacturing workers. A. Douglas McGregor B. Max Weber C. Frederick Taylor D. Abraham Maslow E. Adam Smith 32. _____ refer (s) to reductions in the average cost of a unit of production as the total volume produced increases. A. Smoothing B. Buffering

https://www.coursehero.com › file › 35162870 › Chapter-2-Quizdocx

https://www.coursehero.com › file › 35162870 › Chapter-2-Quizdocx
Chapter 2 Quiz.docx – Chapter 2 Quiz Review of attempt 1…
Adam Smith In 1776 Adam Smith discussed control and the principle of specialization with regard to manufacturing workers . Question 2 Which of the following is a drawback of the bureaucratic approach to management ? a. Choose one answer . a. Production tasks were reduced to machine – like movements that led to boredom . b.

https://quizlet.com › 494411724 › exam-1-flash-cards

https://quizlet.com › 494411724 › exam-1-flash-cards
Exam 1 Flashcards | Quizlet
Who discussed control and the principle of specialization with regard to manufacturing workers? a. Frederick Taylor b. Adam Smith c. Henri Fayol d. Abraham Maslow a. Frederick Taylor _____ is keeping costs low enough to achieve profits while pricing products at levels that are attractive to consumers. a. Cost competitiveness b. Margin maximization

https://www.coursehero.com › file › p4cmmg7 › Question-20-2-out-of-2-points-In-1776-discussed-control-and-the-principle-of

https://www.coursehero.com › file › p4cmmg7 › Question-20-2-out-of-2-points-In-1776-discussed-control-and-the-principle-of
Question 20 2 out of 2 points in 1776 discussed – Course Hero
Answer s: Adam Smith Douglas McGregor Abraham Maslow Max Weber Frederick Taylor Response Feedback: In 1776, Adam Smith discussed control and the principle of specialization with regard to manufacturing workers. Question 21 2 out of 2 points In an organization, the process of planning moves in a linear fashion.

https://quizlet.com › 101527586 › chapter-2-management-flash-cards

https://quizlet.com › 101527586 › chapter-2-management-flash-cards
Chapter 2 – Management Flashcards | Quizlet
Around 1436 AD, the _____ standardized production through the use of an assembly line. Adam Smith In 1776, _____ discussed control and the principle of specialization with regard to manufacturing workers. Economies of scale Reductions in the average cost of a unit of production as the total volume produced increases. Systematic Management

https://quizlet.com › 250433816 › exam-1-principles-of-management-flash-cards

https://quizlet.com › 250433816 › exam-1-principles-of-management-flash-cards
Exam 1 Principles of management Flashcards | Quizlet
The four fundamental management principles include analysing current situation, determining objectives, choosing corporate and business strategies, and determining the resources needed to achieve the organization’s goals. false Lillian Gilbreth focused on the human side of management and was interested in how job satisfaction motivated employees.



Not to be confused with Trade association.
Labour Union redirects here. For other uses, see Labour Union (disambiguation).
Part of a series on
Organized labour
show
Labour movement
show
Labour rights
hide
Trade unions
Trade unions by country
Trade union federations
International comparisons
ITUCIWAWFTU
show
Strike action
show
Labour parties
show
Academic disciplines
vte
A trade union (labor union in American English), often simply referred to as a union, is an organization of workers intent on maintaining or improving the conditions of their employment,[1] such as attaining better wages and benefits (such as holiday, health care, and retirement), improving working conditions, improving safety standards, establishing complaint procedures, developing rules governing status of employees (rules governing promotions, just-cause conditions for termination) and protecting the integrity of their trade through the increased bargaining power wielded by solidarity among workers.
Trade unions typically fund their head office and legal team functions through regularly imposed fees called union dues. The delegate staff of the trade union representation in the workforce are usually made up of workplace volunteers who are often appointed by members in democratic elections.
The trade union, through an elected leadership and bargaining committee, bargains with the employer on behalf of its members, known as the rank-and-file, and negotiates labour contracts (collective bargaining agreements) with employers.
Unions may organize a particular section of skilled or unskilled workers (craft unionism),[2] a cross-section of workers from various trades (general unionism), or an attempt to organize all workers within a particular industry (industrial unionism). The agreements negotiated by a union are binding on the rank-and-file members and the employer, and in some cases on other non-member workers. Trade unions traditionally have a constitution which details the governance of their bargaining unit and also have governance at various levels of government depending on the industry that binds them legally to their negotiations and functioning.
Originating in Great Britain, trade unions became popular in many countries during the Industrial Revolution. Trade unions may be composed of individual workers, professionals, past workers, students, apprentices or the unemployed. Trade union density, or the percentage of workers belonging to a trade union, is highest in the Nordic countries.[3][4]
Contents
1 Definition
2 History
2.1 Trade Guilds
2.2 Modern trade unions
2.3 National general unions
2.4 Legalization, expansion and recognition
3 Prevalence worldwide
3.1 OECD
3.1.1 Union density
3.1.2 Development
3.2 Worldwide
4 Trade unions by country
4.1 Australia
4.2 Belgium
4.3 Canada
4.4 Colombia
4.5 Costa Rica
4.6 Germany
4.7 India
4.8 Japan
4.9 Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia
4.10 Mexico
4.11 Nordic countries
4.12 Spain
4.13 United Kingdom
4.14 United States
4.15 Vatican (Holy See)
5 Structure and politics
6 Shop types
7 Diversity of international unions
8 International unionization
9 Impact
9.1 Economics
9.2 Politics
9.3 Health
10 Union publications
11 See also
12 Notes and references
13 Further reading
13.1 Britain
13.2 United States
13.3 Europe
13.4 Other
14 External links
14.1 Australia
14.2 Europe
14.3 United States
Definition[edit]
Garment workers on strike, New York City circa 1913
Since the publication of the History of Trade Unionism (1894) by Sidney and Beatrice Webb, the predominant historical view is that a trade union is a continuous association on wage earners for the purpose of maintaining or improving the conditions of their employment.[1] Karl Marx described trade unions thus: The value of labour -power constitutes the conscious and explicit foundation of the trade unions, whose importance for the … working class can scarcely be overestimated. The trade unions aim at nothing less than to prevent the reduction of wages below the level that is traditionally maintained in the various branches of industry. That is to say, they wish to prevent the price of labour -power from falling below its value (Capital V1, 1867, p. 1069). Early socialists and Marxists also saw trade unions as a way to democratise the workplace. Through this democratisation, they argued, the capture of political power would be possible.[5]
A modern definition by the Australian Bureau of Statistics states that a trade union is an organization consisting predominantly of employees, the principal activities of which include the negotiation of rates of pay and conditions of employment for its members.[6]
Yet historian R. A. Lesson, in United we Stand (1971), said:
Two conflicting views of the trade-union movement strove for ascendancy in the nineteenth century: one the defensive-restrictive guild-craft tradition passed down through journeymen’s clubs and friendly societies, … the other the aggressive-expansionist drive to unite all ‘labouring men and women’ for a ‘different order of things’.
Recent historical research by Bob James in Craft, Trade or Mystery (2001) puts forward the view that trade unions are part of a broader movement of benefit societies, which includes medieval guilds, Freemasons, Oddfellows, friendly societies, and other fraternal organizations.
The 18th-century economist Adam Smith noted the imbalance in the rights of workers in regards to owners (or masters). In The Wealth of Nations, Book I, chapter 8, Smith wrote:
We rarely hear, it has been said, of the combination of masters, though frequently of those of workmen. But whoever imagines, upon this account, that masters rarely combine, is as ignorant of the world as of the subject. Masters are always and everywhere in a sort of tacit, but constant and uniform combination, not to raise the wages of labor above their actual rate[.] When workers combine, masters … never cease to call aloud for the assistance of the civil magistrate, and the rigorous execution of those laws which have been enacted with so much severity against the combination of servants, labourers and journeymen.
As Smith noted, unions were illegal for many years in most countries, although Smith argued that it should remain illegal to fix wages or prices by employees or employers. There were severe penalties for attempting to organize unions, up to and including execution. Despite this, unions were formed and began to acquire political power, eventually resulting in a body of labour law that not only legalized organizing efforts, but codified the relationship between employers and those employees organized into unions.
History[edit]
Main articles: Collegium (ancient Rome) and Guild
Trade Guilds[edit]
Early 19th century workplace militancy manifested in the Luddite riots, when unemployed workers destroyed labour saving machines.
Following the unification of the city-states in Assyria and Sumer by Sargon of Akkad into a single empire ruled from his home city circa 2334 BC, common Mesopotamian standards for length, area, volume, weight, and time used by artisan guilds in each city was promulgated by Naram-Sin of Akkad (c. 2254–2218 BC), Sargon’s grandson, including for shekels.[7] Codex Hammurabi Law 234 (c. 1755–1750 BC) stipulated a 2-shekel prevailing wage for each 60-gur (300-bushel) vessel constructed in an employment contract between a shipbuilder and a ship-owner.[8][9][10] Law 275 stipulated a ferry rate of 3-gerah per day on a charterparty between a ship charterer and a shipmaster. Law 276 stipulated a 21⁄2-gerah per day freight rate on a contract of affreightment between a charterer and shipmaster, while Law 277 stipulated a 1⁄6-shekel per day freight rate for a 60-gur vessel.[11][12][10] In 1816, an archeological excavation in Minya, Egypt (under an Eyalet of the Ottoman Empire) produced a Nerva–Antonine dynasty-era tablet from the ruins of the Temple of Antinous in Antinoöpolis, Aegyptus that prescribed the rules and membership dues of a burial society collegium established in Lanuvium, Italia in approximately 133 AD during the reign of Hadrian (117–138) of the Roman Empire.[13]
A collegium was any association in ancient Rome that acted as a legal entity. Following the passage of the Lex Julia during the reign of Julius Caesar as Consul and Dictator of the Roman Republic (49–44 BC), and their reaffirmation during the reign of Caesar Augustus as Princeps senatus and Imperator of the Roman Army (27 BC–14 AD), collegia required the approval of the Roman Senate or the Emperor in order to be authorized as legal bodies.[14] Ruins at Lambaesis date the formation of burial societies among Roman Army soldiers and Roman Navy mariners to the reign of Septimius Severus (193–211) in 198 AD.[15] In September 2011, archeological investigations done at the site of the artificial harbor Portus in Rome revealed inscriptions in a shipyard constructed during the reign of Trajan (98–117) indicating the existence of a shipbuilders guild.[16] Rome’s La Ostia port was home to a guildhall for a corpus naviculariorum, a collegium of merchant mariners.[17] Collegium also included fraternities of Roman priests overseeing ritual sacrifices, practicing augury, keeping scriptures, arranging festivals, and maintaining specific religious cults.[18]
Modern trade unions[edit]
While a commonly held mistaken view holds modern trade unionism to be a product of Marxism, the earliest modern trade unions predate Marx’s Communist Manifesto (1848) by almost a century, with the first recorded labour strike in the United States by the Philadelphia printers in 1786.[19] The origins of modern trade unions can be traced back to 18th-century Britain, where the rapid expansion of industrial society then taking place drew masses of people, including women, children, peasants and immigrants into cities. Britain had ended the practice of serfdom in 1574, but vast majority of people remained as tenant-farmers on estates owned by landed aristocracy. This transition was not merely one of relocation from rural to urban environs; rather, the nature of industrial work created a new class of worker. A farmer worked the land, raised animals and grew crop, and either owned the land or paid rent, but ultimately sold a product and had control over his life and work. As industrial workers, however, the workers sold their work as labour and took directions from employers, giving up part of their freedom and self-agency in the service of a master. The critics of the new arrangement would call this wage slavery,[20] but the term that persisted was a new form of human relations: employment. Unlike farmers, workers often had less control over their jobs; without job security or a promise of an on-going relationship with their employers, they lacked some control over the work they performed or how it impacted their health and life. It is in this context, then, that modern trade unions emerge.
In the cities, trade unions encountered a large hostility in their early existence from employers and government groups; at the time, unions and unionists were regularly prosecuted under various restraint of trade and conspiracy statutes. This pool of unskilled and semi-skilled labour spontaneously organized in fits and starts throughout its beginnings,[1] and would later be an important arena for the development of trade unions. Trade unions have sometimes been seen as successors to the guilds of medieval Europe, though the relationship between the two is disputed, as the masters of the guilds employed workers (apprentices and journeymen) who were not allowed to organize.[21][22]
Trade unions and collective bargaining were outlawed from no later than the middle of the 14th century, when the Ordinance of Labourers was enacted in the Kingdom of England, but their way of thinking was the one that endured down the centuries, inspiring evolutions and advances in thinking which eventually gave workers more power. As collective bargaining and early worker unions grew with the onset of the Industrial Revolution, the government began to clamp down on what it saw as the danger of popular unrest at the time of the Napoleonic Wars. In 1799, the Combination Act was passed, which banned trade unions and collective bargaining by British workers. Although the unions were subject to often severe repression until 1824, they were already widespread in cities such as London. Workplace militancy had also manifested itself as Luddism and had been prominent in struggles such as the 1820 Rising in Scotland, in which 60,000 workers went on a general strike, which was soon crushed. Sympathy for the plight of the workers brought repeal of the acts in 1824, although the Combination Act 1825 severely restricted their activity.[citation needed]
By the 1810s, the first labour organizations to bring together workers of divergent occupations were formed. Possibly the first such union was the General Union of Trades, also known as the Philanthropic Society, founded in 1818 in Manchester. The latter name was to hide the organization’s real purpose in a time when trade unions were still illegal.[23]
National general unions[edit]
Poster issued by the London Trades Council, advertising a demonstration held on 2 June 1873
The first attempts at setting up a national general union were made in the 1820s and 30s. The National Association for the Protection of Labour was established in 1830 by John Doherty, after an apparently unsuccessful attempt to create a similar national presence with the National Union of Cotton-spinners. The Association quickly enrolled approximately 150 unions, consisting mostly of textile related unions, but also including mechanics, blacksmiths, and various others. Membership rose to between 10,000 and 20,000 individuals spread across the five counties of Lancashire, Cheshire, Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire and Leicestershire within a year.[24] To establish awareness and legitimacy, the union started the weekly Voice of the People publication, having the declared intention to unite the productive classes of the community in one common bond of union.[25]
In 1834, the Welsh socialist Robert Owen established the Grand National Consolidated Trades Union. The organization attracted a range of socialists from Owenites to revolutionaries and played a part in the protests after the Tolpuddle Martyrs’ case, but soon collapsed.
More permanent trade unions were established from the 1850s, better resourced but often less radical. The London Trades Council was founded in 1860, and the Sheffield Outrages spurred the establishment of the Trades Union Congress in 1868, the first long-lived national trade union center. By this time, the existence and the demands of the trade unions were becoming accepted by liberal middle-class opinion. In Principles of Political Economy (1871) John Stuart Mill wrote:
If it were possible for the working classes, by combining among themselves, to raise or keep up the general rate of wages, it needs hardly be said that this would be a thing not to be punished, but to be welcomed and rejoiced at. Unfortunately the effect is quite beyond attainment by such means. The multitudes who compose the working class are too numerous and too widely scattered to combine at all, much more to combine effectually. If they could do so, they might doubtless succeed in diminishing the hours of labour, and obtaining the same wages for less work. They would also have a limited power of obtaining, by combination, an increase of general wages at the expense of profits.[26]
Beyond this claim Mill also argued that, because individual workers have no basis for assessing the wages for a particular task, labor unions would lead to greater efficiency of the market system.[27]
Legalization, expansion and recognition[edit]
Trade union demonstrators held at bay by soldiers during the 1912 Lawrence textile strike in Lawrence, Massachusetts
British trade unions were finally legalized in 1872, after a Royal Commission on Trade Unions in 1867 agreed that the establishment of the organizations was to the advantage of both employers and employees.
This period also saw the growth of trade unions in other industrializing countries, especially the United States, Germany and France.
In the United States, the first effective nationwide labour organization was the Knights of Labor, in 1869, which began to grow after 1880. Legalization occurred slowly as a result of a series of court decisions.[28] The Federation of Organized Trades and Labor Unions began in 1881 as a federation of different unions that did not directly enroll workers. In 1886, it became known as the American Federation of Labor or AFL.
In Germany the Free Association of German Trade Unions was formed in 1897 after the conservative Anti-Socialist Laws of Chancellor Otto von Bismarck were repealed.
In France, labour organization was illegal until 1884. The Bourse du Travail was founded in 1887 and merged with the Fédération nationale des syndicats (National Federation of Trade Unions) in 1895 to form the General Confederation of Labour (France).
In a number of countries during the 20th century, including in Canada, the United States and the United Kingdom, legislation was passed to provide for the voluntary or statutory recognition of a union by an employer.[29][30][31]
Prevalence worldwide[edit]
OECD[edit]
Union density[edit]
The prevalence of labor unions can be measured by union density, which is expressed as a percentage of the total number of workers in a given location who are trade union members.[32] The below table shows the percentage across OECD members.
Union density across OECD members (in %)
Country 2018 2017 2016 2015 2000
Australia 13.7 14.7 .. .. 24.9
Austria 26.3 26.7 26.9 27.4 36.9
Belgium 50.3 51.9 52.8 54.2 56.6
Canada 25.9 26.3 26.3 29.4 28.2
Chile 16.6 17.0 17.7 16.1 11.2
Czech Republic 11.5 11.7 12.0 12.0 27.2
Denmark 66.5 66.1 65.5 67.1 74.5
Estonia 4.3 4.3 4.4 4.7 14.0
Finland 60.3 62.2 64.9 66.4 74.2
France 8.8 8.9 9.0 9.0 10.8
Germany 16.5 16.7 17.0 17.6 24.6
Greece .. .. 19.0 .. ..
Hungary 7.9 8.1 8.5 9.4 23.8
Iceland 91.8 91.0 89.8 90.0 89.1
Ireland 24.1 24.3 23.4 25.4 35.9
Israel .. 25.0 .. .. 37.7
Italy 34.4 34.3 34.4 35.7 34.8
Japan 17.0 17.1 17.3 17.4 21.5
Korea .. 10.5 10.0 10.0 11.4
Latvia 11.9 12.2 12.3 12.6 ..
Lithuania 7.1 7.7 7.7 7.9 ..
Luxembourg 31.8 32.1 32.3 33.3 ..
Mexico 12.0 12.5 12.7 13.1 16.7
Netherlands 16.4 16.8 17.3 17.7 22.3
New Zealand .. 17.3 17.7 17.9 22.4
Norway 49.2 49.3 49.3 49.3 53.6
Poland .. .. 12.7 .. 23.5
Portugal .. .. 15.3 16.1 ..
Slovak Republic .. .. 10.7 11.7 34.2
Slovenia .. .. 20.4 20.9 44.2
Spain 13.6 14.2 14.8 15.2 17.5
Sweden 65.5 65.6 66.9 67.8 81.0
Switzerland 14.4 14.9 15.3 15.7 20.7
Turkey 9.2 8.6 8.2 8.0 12.5
United Kingdom 23.4 23.2 23.7 24.2 29.8
United States 10.1 10.3 10.3 10.6 12.9
Source: OECD[33]
The union density is especially high for Nordic countries with the average being 67% as of 2018.
Development[edit]
The union density has been steadily declining from the OECD average of 35.9% in 1998 to 27.9% in the year 2018.[33]
The main reasons for these developments are a decline in manufacturing, increased globalization, and governmental policies.
The decline in manufacturing is the most direct one as it generally have been low- or unskilled workers who have benefited the most from labor unions. On the other hand, there might an increase in developing nations as OECD nations exported manufacturing industries to these markets. The second reason is globalization, which makes it harder for unions to maintain standards across countries. The last reason is governmental policies. These come from both sides of the political spectrum. In the UK and US, it has been mostly right-wing proposals that make it harder for unions to form or that limit their power. On the other side, there are many policies such as minimum wage, paid vacation, maternity/paternity leave, etc., that decrease the need to be in a union.[34]
Worldwide[edit]
World map with countries shaded according to their trade union density rate with statistics provided by the International Labour Organization Department of Statistics
90.0–99.9%
80.0–89.9%
70.0–79.9%
60.0–69.9%
50.0–59.9%
40.0–49.9%
30.0–39.9%
20.0–29.9%
10.0–19.9%
0.0–9.9%
No data
The prevalence of trade unions across the world is tracked by International Labor Organization. The data might differ from the ones provided by the OECD.
Country Year Density (%)
Albania 2013 13.3
Argentina 2014 27.7
Armenia 2015 32.2
Australia 2016 14.5
Austria 2016 26.9
Belgium 2018 65.0
Belize 2012 9.1
Bermuda 2012 23.0
Bolivia 2014 39.1
Bosnia and Herzegovina 2012 30.0
Brazil 2016 18.9
Cambodia 2012 9.6
Cameroon 2014 6.9
Canada 2016 28.4
Chile 2016 19.6
China 2015 44.9
Colombia 2016 9.5
Costa Rica 2016 19.4
Croatia 2016 25.8
Cuba 2008 81.4
Cyprus 2014 47.7
Czech Republic 2016 10.5
Denmark 2016 67.2
Dominican Republic 2015 11.0
Egypt 2012 43.2
El Salvador 2016 19.0
Estonia 2015 4.5
Ethiopia 2013 9.6
Finland 2016 64.6
France 2015 7.9
Ghana 2016 20.6
Greece 2016 18.6
Guatemala 2016 2.6
Hong Kong 2016 26.1
Hungary 2016 8.5
Iceland 2016 90.4
India 2011 12.8
Indonesia 2012 7.0
Ireland 2016 24.4
Israel 2016 28.0
Italy 2016 34.4
Japan 2016 17.3
Kazakhstan 2012 49.2
Korea, Republic of 2015 10.1
Lao People’s Democratic Republic 2010 15.5
Latvia 2015 12.6
Lesotho 2010 5.8
Lithuania 2016 7.7
Luxembourg 2016 32.0
North Macedonia 2010 28.0
Malawi 2013 5.5
Malaysia 2016 8.8
Malta 2015 51.4
Mauritius 2016 28.1
Mexico 2016 12.5
Moldova, Republic of 2016 23.9
Montenegro 2012 25.9
Myanmar 2015 1.0
Namibia 2016 17.5
Netherlands 2016 17.3
New Zealand 2015 17.9
Niger 2008 35.6
Norway 2015 52.5
Pakistan 2008 5.6
Panama 2016 11.9
Paraguay 2015 6.7
Peru 2016 5.7
Philippines 2014 8.7
Poland 2016 12.1
Portugal 2015 16.3
Romania 2013 25.2
Russian Federation 2015 30.5
Saint Vincent and the Grenadines 2010 4.9
Samoa 2013 11.8
Senegal 2015 22.4
Serbia 2010 27.9
Seychelles 2011 2.1
Sierra Leone 2008 41.0
Singapore 2015 21.2
Slovakia 2014 12.0
Slovenia 2016 26.9
South Africa 2016 28.1
Spain 2015 13.9
Sri Lanka 2016 15.3
Sweden 2015 67.0
Switzerland 2015 15.7
Taiwan, Republic of China 2010 39.3
Tanzania, United Republic of 2015 24.3
Thailand 2016 3.5
Trinidad and Tobago 2013 19.8
Tunisia 2011 20.4
Turkey 2016 8.2
Uganda 2005 1.5
Ukraine 2015 43.8
United Kingdom 2016 23.5
United States 2016 10.3
Vietnam 2011 14.6
Zambia 2014 25.9
Zimbabwe 2010 7.5
Source: ILO[4]
Trade unions by country[edit]
Australia[edit]
The Australian labour movement generally sought to end child labour practices, improve worker safety, increase wages for both union workers and non-union workers, raise the entire society’s standard of living, reduce the hours in a work week, provide public education for children, and bring other benefits to working class families.[35]
Melbourne Trades Hall was opened in 1859 with Trades and Labour Councils and Trades Halls opening in all cities and most regional towns in the next forty years. During the 1880s Trade unions developed among shearers, miners, and stevedores (wharf workers), but soon spread to cover almost all blue-collar jobs. Shortages of labour led to high wages for a prosperous skilled working class, whose unions demanded and got an eight-hour day and other benefits unheard of in Europe.
Eight-hour day march circa 1900, outside Parliament House in Spring Street, Melbourne
Australia gained a reputation as the working man’s paradise. Some employers tried to undercut the unions by importing Chinese labour. This produced a reaction which led to all the colonies restricting Chinese and other Asian immigration. This was the foundation of the White Australia Policy. The Australian compact, based around centralised industrial arbitration, a degree of government assistance particularly for primary industries, and White Australia, was to continue for many years before gradually dissolving in the second half of the 20th century.
In the 1870s and 1880s, the growing trade union movement began a series of protests against foreign labour. Their arguments were that Asians and Chinese took jobs away from white men, worked for substandard wages, lowered working conditions and refused unionisation.[36]
Objections to these arguments came largely from wealthy land owners in rural areas.[36] It was argued that without Asiatics to work in the tropical areas of the Northern Territory and Queensland, the area would have to be abandoned.[37] Despite these objections to restricting immigration, between 1875 and 1888 all Australian colonies enacted legislation which excluded all further Chinese immigration.[37] Asian immigrants already residing in the Australian colonies were not expelled and retained the same rights as their Anglo and Southern compatriots.
The Barton Government which came to power after the first elections to the Commonwealth parliament in 1901 was formed by the Protectionist Party with the support of the Australian Labor Party. The support of the Labor Party was contingent upon restricting non-white immigration, reflecting the attitudes of the Australian Workers Union and other labour organisations at the time, upon whose support the Labor Party was founded.
Belgium[edit]
Main article: List of trade unions in Belgium
With 65% of the workers belonging to a union, Belgium is a country with one of the highest percentages of trade union membership. Only the Scandinavian countries have a higher trade union density. The biggest union with around 1.7 million members is the Christian democrat Confederation of Christian Trade Unions (ACV-CSC) which was founded in 1904.[38] The origins of the union can be traced back to the Anti-Socialist Cotton Workers Union that was founded in 1886.[39] The second biggest union is the socialist General Federation of Belgian Labour (ABVV-FGTB) which has a membership of more than 1.5 million.[40] The ABVV-FGTB traces its origins to 1857, when the first Belgian union was founded in Ghent by a group of weavers. This and other socialist unions became unified around 1898. The ABVV-FGTB in its current form dates back to 1945. The third major multi-sector union in Belgium is the liberal (classical liberal) union General Confederation of Liberal Trade Unions of Belgium (ACLVB-CGSLB) which is relatively small in comparison to the first two with a little under 290 thousand members.[41] The ACLVB-CGSLB was founded in 1920 in an effort to unite the many small liberal unions. Back then the liberal union was known as the Nationale Centrale der Liberale Vakbonden van België. In 1930, the ACLVB-CGSLB adopted its current name.[42]
Besides these big three there are a number of smaller unions, some more influential than others. These smaller unions tend to specialize in one profession or economic sector. Next to these specialized unions there is also the Neutral and Independent Union that rejects the pillarization of the big three trade unions (their affiliation with political parties). There is also a small Flemish nationalist union that exists only in the Flemish-speaking part of Belgium, called the Vlaamse Solidaire Vakbond. The last Belgian union worth mentioning is the very small, but highly active anarchist union called the Vrije Bond.
Canada[edit]
Main article: List of trade unions in Canada
Canada’s first trade union, the Labourers’ Benevolent Association (now International Longshoremen’s Association Local 273), formed in Saint John, New Brunswick in 1849. The union was formed when Saint John’s longshoremen banded together to lobby for regular pay and a shorter workday.[43] Canadian unionism had early ties with Britain and Ireland. Tradesmen who came from Britain brought traditions of the British trade union movement, and many British unions had branches in Canada. Canadian unionism’s ties with the United States eventually replaced those with Britain.
Collective bargaining was first recognized in 1945, after the strike by the United Auto Workers at the General Motors’ plant in Oshawa, Ontario. Justice Ivan Rand issued a landmark legal decision after the strike in Windsor, Ontario, involving 17,000 Ford workers. He granted the union the compulsory check-off of union dues. Rand ruled that all workers in a bargaining unit benefit from a union-negotiated contract. Therefore, he reasoned they must pay union dues, although they do not have to join the union.
The post-World War II era also saw an increased pattern of unionization in the public service. Teachers, nurses, social workers, professors and cultural workers (those employed in museums, orchestras and art galleries) all sought private-sector collective bargaining rights. The Canadian Labour Congress was founded in 1956 as the national trade union center for Canada.
In the 1970s the federal government came under intense pressures to curtail labour cost and inflation. In 1975, the Liberal government of Pierre Trudeau introduced mandatory price and wage controls. Under the new law, wages increases were monitored and those ruled to be unacceptably high were rolled back by the government.
Pressures on unions continued into the 1980s and ’90s. Private sector unions faced plant closures in many manufacturing industries and demands to reduce wages and increase productivity. Public sector unions came under attack by federal and provincial governments as they attempted to reduce spending, reduce taxes and balance budgets. Legislation was introduced in many jurisdictions reversing union collective bargaining rights, and many jobs were lost to contractors.[44]
Prominent domestic unions in Canada include ACTRA, the Canadian Union of Postal Workers, the Canadian Union of Public Employees, the Public Service Alliance of Canada, the National Union of Public and General Employees, and Unifor. International unions active in Canada include the International Alliance of Theatrical Stage Employees, United Automobile Workers, United Food and Commercial Workers, and United Steelworkers.
Colombia[edit]
Main article: Trade unions in Colombia
Until around 1990 Colombian trade unions were among the strongest in Latin America.[45] However, the 1980s expansion of paramilitarism in Colombia saw trade union leaders and members increasingly targeted for assassination, and as a result Colombia has been the most dangerous country in the world for trade unionists for several decades.[46][47][48] Between 2000 and 2010 Colombia accounted for 63.1% of trade unionists murdered globally.[49] According to the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) there were 2832 murders of trade unionists between 1 January 1986 and 30 April 2010,[49] meaning that on average, men and women trade unionists in Colombia have been killed at the rate of one every three days over the last 23 years.[50]
Costa Rica[edit]
Main article: Trade unions in Costa Rica
Costa Rican agricultural unions demonstration, January 2011
In Costa Rica, trade unions first appeared in the late 1800s to support workers in a variety of urban and industrial jobs, such as railroad builders and craft tradesmen.[51] After facing violent repression, such as during the 1934 United Fruit Strike, unions gained more power after the 1948 Costa Rican Civil War.[51] Today, Costa Rican unions are strongest in the public sector, including the fields of education and medicine, but also have a strong presence in the agricultural sector.[51] In general, Costa Rican unions support government regulation of the banking, medical, and education fields, as well as improved wages and working conditions.[52]
Germany[edit]
Main article: Trade unions in Germany
Trade unions in Germany have a history reaching back to the German revolution in 1848, and still play an important role in the German economy and society. In 1875 the SPD, the Social Democratic Party of Germany, which is one of the biggest political parties in Germany, at first supported the forming of unions in Germany.[53] However, according to John A. Moses, the German trade unions were not directly affiliated with the Social Democratic Party. The SPD leadership insisted on the primacy of politics, and refused to emphasize support for union goals and methods. The unions led Carl Legien (1861-1920) developed their own nonpartisan political goals.[54]
In the early 1930s, according to Gerard Braunthal, the three main trade unions (Allgemeiner Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund, Allgemeiner freier Angestelltenbund, and Allgemeiner Deutscher Beamtenbund) failed to actively oppose Hitler in 1932–33. They minimized the threat in 1932 and opposed a general strike because it might spark a civil war. As the Nazis took power in 1933, the high unemployment had demoralized workers. Their historic faith in socialism gave way to a wave of nationalism. The leaders did not foresee how the Nazis would completely unseat them and suppress labor’s aspirations.[55]
The most important labour organisation is the German Confederation of Trade Unions (Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund – DGB), which represents more than 6 million workers in 2011. It is the umbrella association of several single trade unions for special economic sectors. The DGB is not the only Union Organization that represents the working trade. There are smaller organizations, such as the CGB, which is a Christian-based confederation, that represent over 1.5 million workers.[56]
India[edit]
Main article: Trade unions in India
In India, the Trade Union movement is generally divided on political lines. According to provisional statistics from the Ministry of Labour, trade unions had a combined membership of 24,601,589 in 2002. As of 2008, there are 12 Central Trade Union Organisations (CTUO) recognized by the Ministry of Labour.[57] The forming of these unions was a big deal in India. It led to a big push for more regulatory laws which gave workers a lot more power.[58]
AITUC is the oldest trade union in India. It is a left supported organization. A trade union with nearly 2,000,000 members is the Self Employed Women’s Association (SEWA) which protects the rights of Indian women working in the informal economy. In addition to the protection of rights, SEWA educates, mobilizes, finances, and exalts their members’ trades.[59] Multiple other organizations represent workers. These organizations are formed upon different political groups.[60] These different groups allow different groups of people with different political views to join a Union.[61]
Japan[edit]
Main article: Labor unions in Japan
2011 National Trade Union Council (Zenrokyo) May Day march, Tokyo
Trade unions emerged in Japan in the second half of the Meiji period as the country underwent a period of rapid industrialization.[62] Until 1945, however, the labour movement remained weak, impeded by lack of legal rights,[63] anti-union legislation,[62] management-organised factory councils, and political divisions between cooperative and radical unionists.[64] In the immediate aftermath of the Second World War, the US Occupation authorities initially encouraged the formation of independent unions.[63] Legislation was passed that enshrined the right to organise,[65] and membership rapidly rose to 5 million by February 1947.[63] The organisation rate, however, peaked at 55.8% in 1949 and subsequently declined to 18.2% (2006).[66] The labour movement went through a process of reorganisation from 1987 to 1991[67] from which emerged the present configuration of three major trade union federations, Rengo, Zenroren, and Zenrokyo, along with other smaller national union organisations.
Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia[edit]
In the three Baltic countries the independent trade unions was an aspect of almost every worker’s life during the period of Soviet rule from 1944 to 1991. The trade union system was closely integrated with that of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. After the regaining of national independence in 1990–1991 the trade unions in Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia have experienced rapid loss of membership and economic power, while employers’ organisations have increased both in power and membership. Low financial and organisational capacity caused by declining membership adds to the problem of interest definition, aggregation and protection in negotiations with employers’ and state organisations. Even the difference exists in the way of organization trade union and density. Starting from 2008 the union density slightly decrease in Latvia and Lithuania. In case of Estonia this indicator is lower than in Latvia and Lithuania but stays stable average 7 percent from total number of employment.[68] Historical legitimacy is one of the negative factors that determine low associational power.[69]
Mexico[edit]
Further information: Mexican labor law
Before the 1990s, unions in Mexico had been historically part of a state institutional system. From 1940 until the 1980s, during the worldwide spread of neoliberalism through the Washington Consensus, the Mexican unions did not operate independently, but instead as part of a state institutional system, largely controlled by the ruling party.[70]
During these 40 years, the primary aim of the trade unions was not to benefit the workers, but to carry out the state’s economic policy under their cosy relationship with the ruling party. This economic policy, which peaked in the 1950s and 60s with the so-called Mexican Miracle, saw rising incomes and improved standards of living but the primary beneficiaries were the wealthy.[70]
In the 1980s, Mexico began adhering to Washington Consensus policies, selling off state industries such as railroad and telecommunications to private industries. The new owners had an antagonistic attitude towards unions, which, accustomed to comfortable relationships with the state, were not prepared to fight back. A movement of new unions began to emerge under a more independent model, while the former institutionalized unions had become very corrupt, violent, and led by gangsters. From the 1990s onwards, this new model of independent unions prevailed, a number of them represented by the National Union of Workers / Unión Nacional de Trabajadores.[70][71]
Current old institutions like the Oil Workers Union and the National Education Workers’ Union (Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Educación, or SNTE) are examples of how the use of government benefits are not being applied to improve the quality in the investigation of the use of oil or the basic education in Mexico as long as their leaders show publicly that they are living wealthily. With 1.4 million members, the teachers’ union is Latin America’s largest; half of Mexico’s government employees are teachers. It controls school curriculums, and all teacher appointments. Until recently, retiring teachers routinely gave their lifelong appointment to a relative or sell it for anywhere in between $4,700 and $11,800.[72]
In 2022, Sindicato independiente nacional de trabajadores trabajadoras de la industria automotriz, SINTTIA, a union backed by American and Canadian unions won a union representation election at a General Motors plant in the city of Silao. The Confederation of Mexican Workers (CTM), a union affiliated with the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) which had negotiated sweet-heart contracts with GM since the opening of the plant in 1995, and an allied independent union received only small percentages of the vote. A worker at the plant with 10 years service reported wages of 480 pesos ($23.27) for a 12-hour shift. At Volkswagen’s plant in Puebla state, the union has negotiated average pay of 600 pesos ($29.15) a day for an eight-hour shift.[73]
Nordic countries[edit]
Workers on strike in Oslo, Norway, 2012
Trade unions (Danish: Fagforeninger, Norwegian: Fagforeninger/Fagforeiningar, Swedish: Fackföreningar, Finnish: Ammattiliitot) have a long tradition in Scandinavian and Nordic society. Beginning in the mid-19th century, they today have a large impact on the nature of employment and workers’ rights in many of the Nordic countries. One of the largest trade unions in Sweden is the Swedish Confederation of Trade Unions, (LO, Landsorganisationen), incorporating unions such as the Swedish Metal Workers’ Union (IF Metall = Industrifacket Metall), the Swedish Electricians’ Union (Svenska Elektrikerförbundet) and the Swedish Municipality Workers’ Union (Svenska Kommunalarbetareförbundet, abbreviated Kommunal).[74] One of the aims of IF Metall is to transform jobs into good jobs, also called developing jobs.[75] Swedish system is strongly based on the so-called Swedish model, which argues the importance of collective agreements between trade unions and employers.[69]
Today, the world’s highest rates of union membership are in the Nordic countries.[76] As of 2018 or latest year, the percentage of workers belonging to a union (trade union density) was 90.4% in Iceland, 67.2% in Denmark, 66.1% in Sweden, 64.4% in Finland and 52.5% in Norway, while it is unknown in Greenland, Faroe Islands and Åland.[77] Excluding full-time students working part-time, Swedish union density was 68% in 2019.[78] In all the Nordic countries with a Ghent system—Sweden,[79] Denmark and Finland—union density is about 70%. The considerably raised membership fees of Swedish union unemployment funds implemented by the new center-right government in January 2007 caused large drops in membership in both unemployment funds and trade unions. From 2006 to 2008, union density declined by six percentage points: from 77% to 71%.[80]
Spain[edit]
See also: List of trade unions in Spain
During the Spanish civil war anarchists, and syndicalists took control over much of Spain. Implementing worker control through a system of libertarian socialism with organizations like the anarcho-syndicalist CNT organizing throughout Spain. Unions were particularly present in Revolutionary Catalonia, in which anarchists were already the basis for most of society with over 90% of industries being organized through work cooperatives.[81] The republicans, anarchists and leftists would later lose control over Spain, with Francisco Franco becoming dictator of Spain.
During the fascist regime of Spain the Francoist regime saw the worker movement and union movement as a threat, Franco banned all existing trade unions and set up the government controlled Spanish Syndical Organization astrade union, with the organization existing to maintain Franco’s power.[82]
Many anarchists, communists and leftists turned towards insurgent tactics as Franco implemented wide reaching authoritarian policies, with the CNT and other unions being forced underground. Anarchists would operate covertly setting up local organizations and underground movements to challenge Franco.[83] On the 20 of December the ETA assassinated Luis Carrero. The death of Carrero Blanco had numerous political implications. By the end of 1973, the physical health of Francisco Franco had declined significantly, and it epitomized the final crisis of the Francoist regime. After his death, the most conservative sector of the Francoist State, known as the búnker, wanted to influence Franco so that he would choose an ultraconservative as Prime Minister. Finally, he chose Carlo Arias Navarro, who originally announced a partial relaxation of the most rigid aspects of the Francoist State, but quickly retreated under pressure from the búnker. After Franco’s death Arias Navarro began relaxing Spanish authoritarianism.
During the Spanish transition to democracy, leftist organizations became legal once again. In modern Spain trade unions now contribute massively towards Spanish society, being again the main catalyst for political change in Spain, with cooperatives employing large parts of the Spanish population such as the Mondragon Corporation. Trade unions today lead mass protests against the Spanish government, and are one of the main vectors of political change.[84]
United Kingdom[edit]
Main articles: Trade unions in the United Kingdom and History of trade unions in the United Kingdom
Public sector workers in Leeds striking over pension changes by the government in November 2011
Moderate New Model Unions dominated the union movement from the mid-19th century and where trade unionism was stronger than the political labour movement until the formation and growth of the Labour Party in the early years of the 20th century.
Trade unionism in the United Kingdom was a major factor in some of the economic crises during the 1960s and the 1970s, culminating in the Winter of Discontent of late-1978 and early-1979, when a significant percentage of the nation’s public sector workers went on strike. By this stage, some 12,000,000 workers in the United Kingdom were trade union members. However, the election victory of the Conservative Party led by Margaret Thatcher at the 1979 general election, at the expense of Labour’s James Callaghan, saw substantial trade union reform which saw the level of strikes fall. The level of trade union membership also fell sharply in the 1980s, and continued falling for most of the 1990s. The long decline of most of the industries in which manual trade unions were strong—e.g. steel, coal, printing, the docks—was one of the causes of this loss of trade union members.[85]
In 2011, there were 6,135,126 members in TUC-affiliated unions, down from a peak of 12,172,508 in 1980. Trade union density was 14.1% in the private sector and 56.5% in the public sector.[86]
United States[edit]
Main articles: Labor unions in the United States and Labor history of the United States
Labor unions are legally recognized as representatives of workers in many industries in the United States. In the United States, unions were formed based on power with the people, not over the people like the government at the time.[87] Their activity today centres on collective bargaining over wages, benefits and working conditions for their membership, and on representing their members in disputes with management over violations of contract provisions. Larger unions also typically engage in lobbying activities and supporting endorsed candidates at the state and federal level.
Most unions in America are aligned with one of two larger umbrella organizations: the AFL–CIO created in 1955, and the Change to Win Federation which split from the AFL-CIO in 2005. Both advocate policies and legislation on behalf of workers in the United States and Canada, and take an active role in politics. The AFL–CIO is especially concerned with global trade issues.
Child labourers in an Indiana glass works. Labor unions have an objective interest in combating child labour.
In 2010, the percentage of workers belonging to a union in the United States (or total labor union density) was 11.4%, compared to 18.3% in Japan, 27.5% in Canada and 70% in Finland.[88]
The most prominent unions are among public sector employees such as teachers, police and other non-managerial or non-executive federal, state, county and municipal employees. Members of unions are disproportionately older, male and residents of the Northeast, the Midwest, and California.[89]
The majority of union members come from the public sector. Nearly 34.8% of public sector employees are union members. In the private sector, just 6.3% of employees are union members[90]—levels not seen since 1932[citation needed].
Union workers in the private sector average 10–30% higher pay than non-union in America after controlling for individual, job, and labour market characteristics.[91] Because of their inherently governmental function, public sector workers are paid the same regardless of union affiliation or non-affiliation after controlling for individual, job, and labour market characteristics.[citation needed]
Vatican (Holy See)[edit]
The Association of Vatican Lay Workers represents lay employees in the Vatican.
Structure and politics[edit]
Cesar Chavez speaking at a 1974 United Farm Workers rally in Delano, California. The UFW during Chavez’s tenure was committed to restricting immigration.
Unions may organize a particular section of skilled workers (craft unionism, traditionally found in Australia, Canada, Denmark, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK and the US[2]), a cross-section of workers from various trades (general unionism, traditionally found in Australia, Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Netherlands, the UK and the US), or attempt to organize all workers within a particular industry (industrial unionism, found in Australia, Canada, Germany, Finland, Norway, South Korea, Sweden, Switzerland, the UK and the US). These unions are often divided into locals, and united in national federations. These federations themselves will affiliate with Internationals, such as the International Trade Union Confederation. However, in Japan, union organization is slightly different due to the presence of enterprise unions, i.e. unions that are specific to a plant or company. These enterprise unions, however, join industry-wide federations which in turn are members of Rengo, the Japanese national trade union confederation.
In Western Europe, professional associations often carry out the functions of a trade union. In these cases, they may be negotiating for white-collar or professional workers, such as physicians, engineers or teachers. Typically such trade unions refrain from politics or pursue a more liberal politics than their blue-collar counterparts.
A union may acquire the status of a juristic person (an artificial legal entity), with a mandate to negotiate with employers for the workers it represents. In such cases, unions have certain legal rights, most importantly the right to engage in collective bargaining with the employer (or employers) over wages, working hours, and other terms and conditions of employment. The inability of the parties to reach an agreement may lead to industrial action, culminating in either strike action or management lockout, or binding arbitration. In extreme cases, violent or illegal activities may develop around these events.
The Great Southwest Railroad Strike of 1886 was a trade union strike involving more than 200,000 workers.[92]
In other circumstances, unions may not have the legal right to represent workers, or the right may be in question. This lack of status can range from non-recognition of a union to political or criminal prosecution of union activists and members, with many cases of violence and deaths having been recorded historically.[93]
Unions may also engage in broader political or social struggle. Social Unionism encompasses many unions that use their organizational strength to advocate for social policies and legislation favourable to their members or to workers in general. As well, unions in some countries are closely aligned with political parties.
Unions are also delineated by the service model and the organizing model. The service model union focuses more on maintaining worker rights, providing services, and resolving disputes. Alternately, the organizing model typically involves full-time union organizers, who work by building up confidence, strong networks, and leaders within the workforce; and confrontational campaigns involving large numbers of union members. Many unions are a blend of these two philosophies, and the definitions of the models themselves are still debated.
In Britain, the perceived left-leaning nature of trade unions has resulted in the formation of a reactionary right-wing trade union called Solidarity which is supported by the far-right BNP. In Denmark, there are some newer apolitical discount unions who offer a very basic level of services, as opposed to the dominating Danish pattern of extensive services and organizing.[94]
A rally of the trade union UNISON in Oxford during a strike on 28 March 2006
In contrast, in several European countries (e.g. Belgium, Denmark, the Netherlands and Switzerland), religious unions have existed for decades. These unions typically distanced themselves from some of the doctrines of orthodox Marxism, such as the preference of atheism and from rhetoric suggesting that employees’ interests always are in conflict with those of employers. Some of these Christian unions have had some ties to centrist or conservative political movements and some do not regard strikes as acceptable political means for achieving employees’ goals.[2] In Poland, the biggest trade union Solidarity emerged as an anti-communist movement with religious nationalist overtones[95] and today it supports the right-wing Law and Justice party.[96]
Although their political structure and autonomy varies widely, union leaderships are usually formed through democratic elections.[97] Some research, such as that conducted by the Australian Centre for Industrial Relations Research and Training,[98] argues that unionized workers enjoy better conditions and wages than those who are not unionized.
Shop types[edit]
Companies that employ workers with a union generally operate on one of several models:
A closed shop (US) or a pre-entry closed shop (UK) employs only people who are already union members. The compulsory hiring hall is an example of a closed shop—in this case the employer must recruit directly from the union, as well as the employee working strictly for unionized employers.
A union shop (US) or a post-entry closed shop (UK) employs non-union workers as well, but sets a time limit within which new employees must join a union.
An agency shop requires non-union workers to pay a fee to the union for its services in negotiating their contract. This is sometimes called the Rand formula.
An open shop does not require union membership in employing or keeping workers. Where a union is active, workers who do not contribute to a union may include those who approve of the union contract (free riders) and those who do not. In the United States, state level right-to-work laws mandate the open shop in some states. In Germany only open shops are legal; that is, all discrimination based on union membership is forbidden. This affects the function and services of the union.
An EU case concerning Italy stated that, The principle of trade union freedom in the Italian system implies recognition of the right of the individual not to belong to any trade union (negative freedom of association/trade union freedom), and the unlawfulness of discrimination liable to cause harm to non-unionized employees.[99]
In Britain, previous to this EU jurisprudence, a series of laws introduced during the 1980s by Margaret Thatcher’s government restricted closed and union shops. All agreements requiring a worker to join a union are now illegal. In the United States, the Taft–Hartley Act of 1947 outlawed the closed shop.
In 2006, the European Court of Human Rights found Danish closed-shop agreements to be in breach of Article 11 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. It was stressed that Denmark and Iceland were among a limited number of contracting states that continue to permit the conclusion of closed-shop agreements.[100]
Diversity of international unions[edit]
Union law varies from country to country, as does the function of unions. For example, German and Dutch unions have played a greater role in management decisions through participation in corporate boards and co-determination than have unions in the United States.[101] Moreover, in the United States, collective bargaining is most commonly undertaken by unions directly with employers, whereas in Austria, Denmark, Germany or Sweden, unions most often negotiate with employers associations.
Concerning labour market regulation in the EU, Gold (1993)[102] and Hall (1994)[103] have identified three distinct systems of labour market regulation, which also influence the role that unions play:
In the Continental European System of labour market regulation, the government plays an important role as there is a strong legislative core of employee rights, which provides the basis for agreements as well as a framework for discord between unions on one side and employers or employers’ associations on the other. This model was said to be found in EU core countries such as Belgium, France, Germany, the Netherlands and Italy, and it is also mirrored and emulated to some extent in the institutions of the EU, due to the relative weight that these countries had in the EU until the EU expansion by the inclusion of 10 new Eastern European member states in 2004.
In the Anglo-Saxon System of labour market regulation, the government’s legislative role is much more limited, which allows for more issues to be decided between employers and employees and any union or employers’ associations which might represent these parties in the decision-making process. However, in these countries, collective agreements are not widespread; only a few businesses and a few sectors of the economy have a strong tradition of finding collective solutions in labour relations. Ireland and the UK belong to this category, and in contrast to the EU core countries above, these countries first joined the EU in 1973.
In the Nordic System of labour market regulation, the government’s legislative role is limited in the same way as in the Anglo-Saxon system. However, in contrast to the countries in the Anglo-Saxon system category, this is a much more widespread network of collective agreements, which covers most industries and most firms. This model was said to encompass Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden. Here, Denmark joined the EU in 1973, whereas Finland and Sweden joined in 1995.[104]
The United States takes a more laissez-faire approach, setting some minimum standards but leaving most workers’ wages and benefits to collective bargaining and market forces. Thus, it comes closest to the above Anglo-Saxon model. Also, the Eastern European countries that have recently entered into the EU come closest to the Anglo-Saxon model.
In contrast, in Germany, the relation between individual employees and employers is considered to be asymmetrical. In consequence, many working conditions are not negotiable due to a strong legal protection of individuals. However, the German flavor or works legislation has as its main objective to create a balance of power between employees organized in unions and employers organized in employers associations. This allows much wider legal boundaries for collective bargaining, compared to the narrow boundaries for individual negotiations. As a condition to obtain the legal status of a trade union, employee associations need to prove that their leverage is strong enough to serve as a counterforce in negotiations with employers. If such an employees association is competing against another union, its leverage may be questioned by unions and then evaluated in a court trial. In Germany, only very few professional associations obtained the right to negotiate salaries and working conditions for their members, notably the medical doctors association Marburger Bund and the pilots association Vereinigung Cockpit. The engineers association Verein Deutscher Ingenieure does not strive to act as a union, as it also represents the interests of engineering businesses.
Beyond the classification listed above, unions’ relations with political parties vary. In many countries unions are tightly bonded, or even share leadership, with a political party intended to represent the interests of the working class. Typically this is a left-wing, socialist, or social democratic party, but many exceptions exist, including some of the aforementioned Christian unions.[2] In the United States, trade unions are almost always aligned with the Democratic Party with a few exceptions. For example, the International Brotherhood of Teamsters has supported Republican Party candidates on a number of occasions and the Professional Air Traffic Controllers Organization (PATCO) endorsed Ronald Reagan in 1980. In Britain trade union movement’s relationship with the Labour Party frayed as party leadership embarked on privatization plans at odds with what unions see as the worker’s interests. However, it has strengthened once more after the Labour party’s election of Ed Miliband, who beat his brother David Miliband to become leader of the party after Ed secured the trade union votes. Additionally, in the past, there was a group known as the Conservative Trade Unionists, or CTU, formed of people who sympathized with right wing Tory policy but were Trade Unionists.
Historically, the Republic of Korea has regulated collective bargaining by requiring employers to participate, but collective bargaining has only been legal if held in sessions before the lunar new year.
International unionization[edit]
The oldest global trade union organizations include the World Federation of Trade Unions created in 1945.[105]
The largest trade union federation in the world is the Brussels-based International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), created in 2006,[106] which has approximately 309 affiliated organizations in 156 countries and territories, with a combined membership of 166 million. The ITUC is a federation of national trade union centres, such as the AFL-CIO in the United States and the Trades Union Congress in the United Kingdom.
National and regional trade unions organizing in specific industry sectors or occupational groups also form global union federations, such as Union Network International, the International Transport Workers Federation, the International Federation of Journalists, the International Arts and Entertainment Alliance or Public Services International.
Impact[edit]
The examples and perspective in this article deal primarily with the United States and do not represent a worldwide view of the subject. You may improve this article, discuss the issue on the talk page, or create a new article, as appropriate. (October 2021) (Learn how and when to remove this template message)
Economics[edit]
The academic literature shows substantial evidence that labor unions reduce economic inequality.[107][108][109][110] The economist Joseph Stiglitz has asserted that, Strong unions have helped to reduce inequality, whereas weaker unions have made it easier for CEOs, sometimes working with market forces that they have helped shape, to increase it. The decline in unionization since the Second World War in the United States has been associated with a pronounced rise in income and wealth inequality and, since 1967, with loss of middle class income.[111][112][113][114] Right-to-work laws have been linked to greater economic inequality in the United States.[115][116]
Research from Norway has found that high unionization rates lead to substantial increases in firm productivity, as well as increases in workers’ wages.[117] Research from Belgium also found productivity gains, although smaller.[118] Other research in the United States has found that unions can harm profitability, employment and business growth rates.[119][120] Research from the Anglosphere indicates that unions can provide wage premiums and reduce inequality while reducing employment growth and restricting employment flexibility.[121]
In the United States, the outsourcing of labour to Asia, Latin America, and Africa has been partially driven by increasing costs of union partnership, which gives other countries a comparative advantage in labour, making it more efficient to perform labour-intensive work there.[122] Trade unions have been accused of benefiting insider workers and those with secure jobs at the cost of outsider workers, consumers of the goods or services produced, and the shareholders of the unionized business.[123] Milton Friedman, economist and advocate of laissez-faire capitalism, sought to show that unionization produces higher wages (for the union members) at the expense of fewer jobs, and that, if some industries are unionized while others are not, wages will tend to decline in non-unionized industries.[124]
Politics[edit]
In the United States, the weakening of unions has been linked to more favorable electoral outcomes for the Republican Party.[125][126][127] Legislators in areas with high unionization rates are more responsive to the interests of the poor, whereas areas with lower unionization rates are more responsive to the interests of the rich.[128] Higher unionization rates increase the likelihood of parental leave policies being adopted.[129] Republican-controlled states are less likely to adopt more restrictive labor policies when unions are strong in the state.[130]
Research in the United States found that American congressional representatives were more responsive to the interests of the poor in districts with higher unionization rates.[131] Another 2020 American study found an association between US state level adoption of parental leave legislation and labor union strength.[132]
In the United States, unions have been linked to lower racial resentment among whites.[133] Membership in unions increases political knowledge, in particular among those with less formal education.[134]
Health[edit]
In the United States, higher union density has been associated with lower suicide/overdose deaths.[135] Decreased unionization rates in the United States have been linked to an increase in occupational fatalities.[136]
Union publications[edit]
Several sources of current news exist about the trade union movement in the world. These include LabourStart and the official website of the international trade union movement Global Unions. A source of international news about unions is RadioLabour which provides daily (Monday to Friday) news reports.
Labor Notes is the largest circulation cross-union publication remaining in the United States. It reports news and analysis about union activity or problems facing the labour movement. Another source of union news is the Workers Independent News, a news organization providing radio articles to independent and syndicated radio shows in the United States.
See also[edit]
Organized labour portal
Critique of work
Digital Product Passport
Labor federation competition in the United States
Labor Management Reporting and Disclosure Act
Labour inspectorate
List of trade unions
Project Labor Agreement
Salt (union organizing)
Smart contract: can be used in employment contracts
Union busting
Workplace politics
Notes and references[edit]
^
a b c Webb, Sidney; Webb, Beatrice (1920). History of Trade Unionism. Longmans and Co. London. ch. I
^
a b c d Poole, M., 1986. Industrial Relations: Origins and Patterns of National Diversity. London UK: Routledge.
^ Trade Union Dataset. OECD. Retrieved 1 December 2017.
^
a b Industrial relations. ILOSTAT. Retrieved 9 October 2018.
^ Botz, Dan La (2013). The Marxist View of the Labor Unions: Complex and Critical. WorkingUSA. 16 (1): 5–42. doi:10.1111/wusa.12021. ISSN 1743-4580.
^ Trade Union Census. Australian Bureau of Statistics. Retrieved 27 July 2011.
^ Powell, Marvin A. (1995). Metrology and Mathematics in Ancient Mesopotamia. In Sasson, Jack M. (ed.). Civilizations of the Ancient Near East. Vol. III. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons. p. 1955. ISBN 0684192799.
^ Hammurabi (1903). Translated by Sommer, Otto. Code of Hammurabi, King of Babylon. Records of the Past. Washington, DC: Records of the Past Exploration Society. 2 (3): 85. Retrieved 20 June 2021. 234. If a shipbuilder builds … as a present [compensation].
^ Hammurabi (1904). Code of Hammurabi, King of Babylon (PDF). Liberty Fund. Translated by Harper, Robert Francis (2nd ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 83. Retrieved 20 June 2021. §234. If a boatman build … silver as his wage.
^
a b Hammurabi (1910). Code of Hammurabi, Kabylon. Avalon Project. Translated by King, Leonard William. New Haven, CT: Yale Law School. Retrieved 20 June 2021.
^ Hammurabi (1903). Translated by Sommer, Otto. Code of Hammurabi, King of Babylon. Records of the Past. Washington, DC: Records of the Past Exploration Society. 2 (3): 88. Retrieved 20 June 2021. 275. If anyone hires a … day as rent therefor.
^ Hammurabi (1904). Code of Hammurabi, King of Babylon (PDF). Liberty Fund. Translated by Harper, Robert Francis (2nd ed.). Chicago: University of Chicago Press. p. 95. Retrieved 20 June 2021. §275. If a man hire … its hire per day.
^ The Documentary History of Insurance, 1000 B.C.–1875 A.D. Newark, NJ: Prudential Press. 1915. pp. 5–6. Retrieved 15 June 2021.
^ de Ligt, L. (2001). D. 47,22, 1, pr.-1 and the Formation of Semi-Public Collegia. Latomus. 60 (2): 346–349. ISSN 0023-8856. JSTOR 41539517.
^ Ginsburg, Michael (1940). Roman military clubs and their social functions. Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 71: 149–156. doi:10.2307/283119. JSTOR 283119.
^ Welsh, Jennifer (23 September 2011). Huge Ancient Roman Shipyard Unearthed in Italy. Live Science. Future. Retrieved 23 June 2021.
^ Epstein, Steven A. (1995). Wage Labor and Guilds in Medieval Europe. Chapel Hill, NC: University of North Carolina Press. pp. 10–49. ISBN 978-0807844984.
^ Lintott, Andrew (1999). The Constitution of the Roman Republic. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 183–186. ISBN 978-0198150688.
^ Perlman, Selig (1922). A History of Trade Unionism in the United States. New York: MacMillan. pp. 1–3.
^ Tomich, Dale W. (2004). Through the prism of slavery : labor, capital, and world economy. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 1417503572. OCLC 55090137.
^ (1928). The Guild and the Trade Union. The Age.
^ Kautsky, Karl (April 1901). Trades Unions and Socialism. International Socialist Review. 1 (10). Retrieved 27 July 2011.
^ G. D. H. Cole (2010). Attempts at General Union. Taylor & Francis. p. 3. ISBN 978-1136885167.
^ Webb, Sidney; Webb, Beatrice (1894). History of Trade Unionism. London: Longmans Green and Co. pp. 120–124.
^ Webb & Webb 1894, p. 122.
^ Principles of Political Economy (1871)Book V, Ch.10 d 6 November 2014 at the Wayback Machine, para. 5
^ King, John T.; Yanochik, Mark A. (2011). John Stuart Mill and the Economic Rationale for Organized Labor. The American Economist. 56 (2): 28–34. doi:10.1177/056943451105600205. ISSN 0569-4345. JSTOR 23240389. S2CID 157935634.
^ Trade union. Encyclopædia Britannica.
^ Townshend-Smith, R (1981). Trade union recognition legislation – Britain and America compared. Legal Studies (1(2)): 190–212. doi:10.1111/j.1748-121X.1981.tb00120.x.
^ Briggs, C. (2007). Statutory Union Recognition in North America and the UK: Lessons for Australia?. The Economic and Labour Relations Review (17(2)): 77–97. doi:10.1177/103530460701700205.
^ Goodard, J. (2013). Labour Law and Union Recognition in Canada: A Historical-Institutionalist Perspective. Queen’s Law Journal (38(2)): 391–417.
^ Industrial relations (PDF). International Labour Organisation. Retrieved 9 October 2018.
^
a b Trade Union. stats.oecd.org. Retrieved 11 May 2021.
^ Why trade unions are declining. The Economist. 29 September 2015. ISSN 0013-0613. Retrieved 11 May 2021.
^ History of the ACTU. d 21 November 2008 at the Wayback Machine Australian Council of Trade Unions.
^
a b Markey, Raymond (1 January 1996). Race and Organized Labor in Australia, 1850–1901. The Historian. d from the original on 19 October 2017.
^
a b Griffiths, Phil (4 July 2002). Towards White Australia: The shadow of Mill and the spectre of slavery in the 1880s debates on Chinese immigration (RTF). 11th Biennial National Conference of the Australian Historical Association. Retrieved 14 June 2006.
^ Aantal leden christelijke vakbond neemt jaar na jaar toe. Retrieved 16 January 2018.
^ 130 jaar ACV-geschiedenis. Retrieved 16 January 2018.
^ Hoeveel leden telt het ABVV? – Vlaams ABVV – Socialistische vakbond in Vlaanderen – Algemeen Belgisch Vakverbond ABVV. www.vlaamsabvv.be. d from the original on 19 December 2011. Retrieved 16 January 2018.
^ Structuur en kerncijfers van de ACLVB. 12 October 2015. Retrieved 16 January 2018.
^ Geschiedenis van de ACLVB. 12 October 2015. Retrieved 16 January 2018.
^ For Whom The Bells Toll. Hatheway Labour Exhibit Center. Retrieved 6 May 2017.
^ History of Unions in Canada. d from the original on 27 July 2013. Retrieved 15 July 2013. Retrieved 14 July 2013.
^ American Center for International Labor Solidarity (2006), Justice For All: The Struggle for Worker Rights in Colombia d 17 July 2010 at the Wayback Machine, p11
^ An ILO mission in 2000 reported that the number of assassinations, abductions, death threats and other violent assaults on trade union leaders and unionized workers in Colombia is without historical precedent. According to the Colombian Government, during the period 1991–99 there were 593 assassinations of trade union leaders and unionized workers while the National Trade Union School holds that 1 336 union members were assassinated. – ILO, 16 June 2000, Special ILO Representative for cooperation with Colombia to be appointed by Director-General
^ By the 1990s, Colombia had become the most dangerous country in the world for unionists – Chomsky, Aviva (2008), Linked labor histories: New England, Colombia, and the making of a global working class, Duke University Press, p11
^ Colombia has the world’s worst record on these assassinations… – 20 November 2008, Colombia: Not Time for a Trade Deal
^
a b International Trade Union Confederation, 11 June 2010, ITUC responds to the press release issued by the Colombian Interior Ministry concerning its survey
^ International Trade Union Confederation (2010), Annual Survey of violations of trade union rights: Colombia
^
a b c Historia del Sindicalismo. SITRAPEQUIA website (in Spanish). San José: Sindicato de Trabajadores(as) Petroléros Químicos y Afines. 2014. d from the original on 5 May 2014. Retrieved 4 May 2014.
^ Herrera, Manuel (30 April 2014). Sindicatos alzarán la voz contra modelo neoliberal en celebraciones del 1° de mayo. La Nacion (in Spanish). San Jose. Retrieved 7 May 2014.
^ Michael Schneider, A brief history of the German trade unions (JHW Dietz Nachfolger, 1991).
^ John A. Moses, The Trade Union Issue In German Social Democracy 1890-1900 Internationale Wissenschaftliche Korrespondenz zur Geschichte der Deutschen Arbeiterbewegung (Dec 1973), Issue 19/20, pp 1-19.
^ Gerard Braunthal, The German Free Trade Unions during the Rise of Nazism Journal of Central European Affairs (1956), 14#4, pp 339-353.
^ Fulton, L. (2015). Trade Unions. Worker Participation. SEEurope Network. Worker-Participation.eu. SEEurope Network. Retrieved 15 November 2017.
^ Table 1: Aggregate data on membership of CTUOs 1989 to 2002 (Provisional) (PDF). labourfile.org. d from the original (PDF) on 3 October 2011.
^ Sengupta, Meghna. Trade Unions in India. Pocket Lawyer. d from the original on 16 November 2017. Retrieved 15 November 2017.
^ Datta, Rekah. From Development to Empowerment: The Self-Employed Women’s Association in India. International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society.
^ Bhattacharya, Gautam (2022). Trade Unionism in Competitive Politics: The Story of an Arrangement Clerk, The Indian Journal of Industrial Relations, Vol. 57, No. 4, April 2022 (pg.702-712)
^ Chand, Smriti (17 February 2014). 6 Major Central Trade Unions of India. Your Article Library. Retrieved 15 November 2017.
^
a b Nimura, K. The Formation of Japanese Labor Movement: 1868–1914 d 1 October 2011 at the Wayback Machine (Translated by Terry Boardman). Retrieved 11 June 2011
^
a b c Cross Currents. Labor unions in Japan. CULCON. Retrieved 11 June 2011
^ Weathers, C. (2009). Business and Labor. In William M. Tsutsui (Ed.), A Companion to Japanese History (pp. 493–510). Chichester, UK: Blackwell Publishing Ltd.
^ Jung, L. (30 March 2011). National Labour Law Profile: Japan. ILO. Retrieved 10 June 2011
^ Japan Institute for Labour Policy and Training. Labor Situation in Japan and Analysis: 2009/2010. d 27 September 2011 at the Wayback Machine Retrieved 10 June 2011
^ Dolan, R. E. & Worden, R. L. (Eds.). Japan: A Country Study. Labor Unions, Employment and Labor Relations. Washington: GPO for the Library of Congress, 1994. Retrieved 12 June 2011
^ Dvorak, Jaroslav; Karnite, Raita; Guogis, Arvydas (26 January 2018). The Characteristic Features of Social Dialogue in the Baltics. Socialinė teorija, empirija, politika ir praktika. 16 (16): 26–36. doi:10.15388/STEPP.2018.16.11425.
^
a b Dvorak, J., Civinskas, R. (2018). The Determinants of Cooperation and the Need for Better Communication between Stakeholders in EU Countries: The Case of Posted Workers. Polish Journal of Management Studies, Vol. 18 (1), pp. 94–106 https://pjms.zim.pcz.pl/resources/html/article/details?id=183839
^
a b c Dan La Botz U.S.-supported Economics Spurred Mexican Emigration, pt.1 d 19 October 2017 at the Wayback Machine, interview at The Real News, 1 May 2010.
^ Murillo, M. Victoria. From populism to neoliberalism: Labor unions and market reforms in Latin America. World Politics 52.2 (2000): 135-168 [https://library.fes.de/libalt/journals/swetsfulltext/10015452.pdf online.
^ Juan Montes; José de Córdoba (21 December 2012). Mexico Takes On Teachers Over School Control. Wall Street Journal.
^ Daina Beth Solomon (3 February 2022). ‘Fed up’ GM workers in Mexico pick new union in historic vote. Reuters. Retrieved 4 February 2022.
^ Anders Kjellberg (2020) Den svenska modellen i en oviss tid. Fack, arbetsgivare och kollektivavtal på en föränderlig arbetsmarknad – Statistik och analyser: facklig medlemsutveckling, organisationsgrad och kollektivavtalstäckning 2000–2029. Stockholm: Arena Idé 2020
^ Anders Bruhn, Anders Kjellberg and Åke Sandberg (2013) A New World of Work Challenging Swedish Unions in Åke Sandberg (ed.) Nordic Lights. Work, Management and Welfare in Scandinavia. Stockholm: SNS (pp. 155–160)
^ Anders Kjellberg (2022) The Nordic Model of Industrial Relations. Lund: Department of Sociology]
^ Trade Union Density OECD. Accessed: 06 October 2019.
^ Anders Kjellberg (2020) Kollektivavtalens täckningsgrad samt organisationsgraden hos arbetsgivarförbund och fackförbund, Department of Sociology, Lund University. Studies in Social Policy, Industrial Relations, Working Life and Mobility. Research Reports 2020:1, Appendix 3 (in English) Table A
^ Anders Kjellberg (2011) The Decline in Swedish Union Density since 2007 Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies (NJWLS) Vol. 1. No 1 (August 2011), pp. 67–93
^ Anders Kjellberg The Decline in Swedish Union Density since 2007 Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies (NJWLS) Vol. 1. No 1 (August 2011), pp. 67–93
^ https://mirror.anarhija.net/theanarchistlibrary.org/mirror/s/sd/sam-dolgoff-editor-the-anarchist-collectives.lt.pdf[bare URL PDF]
^ Pegenaute, Luis. Censoring Translation and Translation as Censorship: Spain under Franco (PDF). www.arts.kuleuven.be. Retrieved 15 February 2022.
^ Romanos, Eduardo (2014). Emotions, Moral Batteries and High-Risk Activism: Understanding the Emotional Practices of the Spanish Anarchists under Franco’s Dictatorship. Contemporary European History. 23 (4): 545–564. doi:10.1017/S0960777314000319. JSTOR 43299690. S2CID 145621496.
^ Syndicalism and the influence of anarchism in France, Italy and Spain (PDF). d from the original (PDF) on 3 March 2021. Retrieved 2 November 2020.
^ Schifferes, Steve (8 March 2004). The trade unions’ long decline. BBC News. Retrieved 16 January 2014.
^ United Kingdom: Industrial relations profile. EUROPA. 15 April 2013. d from the original on 3 December 2013. Retrieved 16 January 2014.
^ Kazin, Michael (1995). The Populist Persuasion. BasicBooks. p. 154. ISBN 978-0465037933.
^ Trade Union Density OECD. StatExtracts. Retrieved: 17 November 2011.
^ Yeselson, Richard (6 June 2012). Not With a Bang, But a Whimper: The Long, Slow Death Spiral of America’s Labor Movement. The New Republic. Retrieved 16 January 2018.
^ Union Members Summary Bureau of Labor Statistics, 22 January 2021 Retrieved: 13 July 2021
^ 8-31-2004 Union Membership Trends in the United States Gerald Mayer. Congressional Research Service. 31 Aug 2004
^ The 10 Biggest Strikes in American History d 2 December 2013 at the Wayback Machine. Fox Business. 9 August 2011
^ Amnesty International report 23 September 2005 – fear for safety of SINALTRAINAL member José Onofre Esquivel Luna
^ See the website of the Danish discount union Det faglige Hus. Danish.
^ Poland, Professor Jacek Tittenbrun of Poznan University. The economic and social processes that led to the revolt of the Polish workers in the early eighties. www.marxist.com. Retrieved 16 January 2018.
^ Solidarność popiera Kaczyńskiego jak kiedyś Wałęsę at news.money.pl (in Polish)
^ See E McGaughey, ‘Democracy or Oligarchy? Models of Union Governance in the UK, Germany and US’ (2017) ssrn.com
^ Australian Centre for Industrial Relations Research and Training report (PDF). Acirrt.com. d from the original (PDF) on 22 July 2011. Retrieved 27 July 2011.
^ Freedom of Association/Trade Union Freedom. Eurofound website. d from the original on 17 April 2011. Retrieved 3 March 2012.
^ ECHR rules against Danish closed-shop agreements. Eurofound website.
^ Bamberg, Ulrich (June 2004). The role of German trade unions in the national and European standardisation process (PDF). TUTB Newsletter. 24–25. d from the original (PDF) on 26 July 2011. Retrieved 27 July 2011.
^ Gold, M., 1993. The Social Dimension – Employment Policy in the European Community. Basingstoke England UK: Macmillan Publishing
^ Hall, M., 1994. Industrial Relations and the Social Dimension of European Integration: Before and after Maastricht, pp. 281–331 in Hyman, R. & Ferner A., eds.: New Frontiers in European Industrial Relations, Basil Blackwell Publishing
^ Wagtmann, M.A. (2010): Module 3, Maritime & Port Wages, Benefits, Labour Relations. International Maritime Human Resource Manant textbook modules. Available at: https://skydrive.live.com/?cid=f90c069a3e6bb729&id=F90C069A3E6BB729%21107#cid=F90C069A3E6BB729&id=F90C069A3E6BB729%21182
^ WFTU » History. Retrieved 25 January 2022.
^ International Trade Union Confederation. www.ituc-csi.org. Retrieved 25 January 2022.
^ Ahlquist, John S. (2017). Labor Unions, Political Representation, and Economic Inequality. Annual Review of Political Science. 20 (1): 409–432. doi:10.1146/annurev-polisci-051215-023225.
^ Farber, Henry S; Herbst, Daniel; Kuziemko, Ilyana; Naidu, Suresh (2021). Unions and Inequality over the Twentieth Century: New Evidence from Survey Data*. The Quarterly Journal of Economics. 136 (3): 1325–1385. doi:10.1093/qje/qjab012. ISSN 0033-5533.
^ Collins, William J.; Niemesh, Gregory T. (2019). Unions and the Great Compression of wage inequality in the US at mid-century: evidence from local labour markets. The Economic History Review. 72 (2): 691–715. doi:10.1111/ehr.12744. ISSN 1468-0289.
^ ehs1926 (12 February 2019). Unions and American Income Inequality at Mid-Century. The Long Run. Retrieved 21 April 2021.
^ Doree Armstrong (12 February 2014). Jake Rosenfeld explores the sharp decline of union membership, influence. UW Today. Retrieved 6 March 2015. See also: Jake Rosenfeld (2014) What Unions No Longer Do. Harvard University Press. ISBN 0674725115
^ Keith Naughton, Lynn Doan and Jeffrey Green (20 February 2015). As the Rich Get Richer, Unions Are Poised for Comeback. Bloomberg. Retrieved 6 March 2015.
A 2011 study drew a link between the decline in union membership since 1973 and expanding wage disparity. Those trends have since continued, said Bruce Western, a professor of sociology at Harvard University who co-authored the study.
^ Stiglitz, Joseph E. (4 June 2012). The Price of Inequality: How Today’s Divided Society Endangers Our Future (Kindle Locations 1148–1149). Norton. Kindle Edition.
^ Barry T. Hirsch, David A. Macpherson, and Wayne G. Vroman, Estimates of Union Density by State, Monthly Labor Review, Vol. 124, No. 7, July 2001.
^ VanHeuvelen, Tom (1 March 2020). The Right to Work, Power Resources, and Economic Inequality. American Journal of Sociology. 125 (5): 1255–1302. doi:10.1086/708067. ISSN 0002-9602. S2CID 219517711.
^ Western, Bruce; Rosenfeld, Jake (1 August 2011). Unions, Norms, and the Rise in U.S. Wage Inequality. American Sociological Review. 76 (4): 513–537. doi:10.1177/0003122411414817. ISSN 0003-1224. S2CID 18351034.
^ Barth, Erling; Bryson, Alex; Dale-Olsen, Harald (16 October 2020). Union Density Effects on Productivity and Wages. The Economic Journal. 130 (631): 1898–1936. doi:10.1093/ej/ueaa048. ISSN 0013-0133.
^ Van den Berg, Annette, Arjen van Witteloostuijn, and Olivier Van der Brempt. Employee workplace representation in Belgium: Effects on firm performance. International Journal of Manpower (2017).
^ Hirsch, Barry T. What do unions do for economic performance?. Journal of Labor Research 25, no. 3 (2004): 415–455.
^ Vedder, Richard, and Lowell Gallaway. The economic effects of labor unions revisited. Journal of labor research 23, no. 1 (2002): 105-130.
^ Bryson, Alex. Union wage effects. IZA World of Labor (2014).
^ Kramarz, Francis (19 October 2006). Outsourcing, Unions, and Wages: Evidence from data matching imports, firms, and workers (PDF). Retrieved 22 January 2007.
^ Card David, Krueger Alan. (1995). Myth and measurement: The new economics of the minimum wage. Princeton, NJ. Princeton University Press.
^ Friedman, Milton (2007). Price theory ([New ed.], 3rd printing ed.). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers. ISBN 978-0202309699.
^ Abdul-Razzak, Nour; Prato, Carlo; Wolton, Stephane (1 October 2020). After Citizens United: How outside spending shapes American democracy. Electoral Studies. 67: 102190. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2020.102190. ISSN 0261-3794.
^ Macdonald, David (25 June 2020). Labor Unions and White Democratic Partisanship. Political Behavior. 43 (2): 859–879. doi:10.1007/s11109-020-09624-3. ISSN 1573-6687. S2CID 220512676.
^ Hertel-Fernandez, Alexander (2018). Policy Feedback as Political Weapon: Conservative Advocacy and the Demobilization of the Public Sector Labor Movement. Perspectives on Politics. 16 (2): 364–379. doi:10.1017/S1537592717004236. ISSN 1537-5927.
^ Becher, Michael; Stegmueller, Daniel (2020). Reducing Unequal Representation: The Impact of Labor Unions on Legislative Responsiveness in the U.S. Congress. Perspectives on Politics. 19: 92–109. doi:10.1017/S153759272000208X. ISSN 1537-5927. S2CID 204825962.
^ Engeman, Cassandra (2020). When Do Unions Matter to Social Policy? Organized Labor and Leave Legislation in US States. Social Forces. 99 (4): 1745–1771. doi:10.1093/sf/soaa074.
^ Bucci, Laura C.; Jansa, Joshua M. (2020). Who passes restrictive labour policy? A view from the States. Journal of Public Policy. 41 (3): 409–439. doi:10.1017/S0143814X20000070. ISSN 0143-814X. S2CID 216258517.
^ Becher, Michael; Stegmueller, Daniel (2020). Reducing Unequal Representation: The Impact of Labor Unions on Legislative Responsiveness in the U.S. Congress. Perspectives on Politics. 19: 92–109. doi:10.1017/S153759272000208X. ISSN 1537-5927.
^ Engeman, Cassandra (2020). When Do Unions Matter to Social Policy? Organized Labor and Leave Legislation in US States. Social Forces. 99 (4): 1745–1771. doi:10.1093/sf/soaa074. Event history analysis of state-level leave policy adoption from 1983 to 2016 shows that union institutional strength, particularly in the public sector, is positively associated with the timing of leave policy adoption.
^ Frymer, Paul; Grumbach, Jacob M. (2020). Labor Unions and White Racial Politics. American Journal of Political Science. 65: 225–24. doi:10.1111/ajps.12537. ISSN 1540-5907. S2CID 221245953.
^ Macdonald, David (29 April 2019). How Labor Unions Increase Political Knowledge: Evidence from the United States. Political Behavior. 43: 1–24. doi:10.1007/s11109-019-09548-7. ISSN 1573-6687. S2CID 159071392.
^ Eisenberg‐Guyot, Jerzy; Mooney, Stephen J.; Hagopian, Amy; Barrington, Wendy E.; Hajat, Anjum (2020). Solidarity and disparity: Declining labor union density and changing racial and educational mortality inequities in the United States. American Journal of Industrial Medicine. 63 (3): 218–231. doi:10.1002/ajim.23081. ISSN 1097-0274. PMC 7293351. PMID 31845387. Results – Overall, a 10% increase in union density was associated with a 17% relative decrease in overdose/suicide mortality (95% confidence interval [CI]: 0.70, 0.98), or 5.7 lives saved per 100 000 person‐years (95% CI: −10.7, −0.7). Union density’s absolute (lives‐saved) effects on overdose/suicide mortality were stronger for men than women, but its relative effects were similar across genders. Union density had little effect on all‐cause mortality overall or across subgroups, and modeling suggested union‐density increases would not affect mortality inequities. Conclusions – Declining union density (as operationalized in this study) may not explain all‐cause mortality inequities, although increases in union density may reduce overdose/suicide mortality.
^ Zoorob, Michael (1 October 2018). Does ‘right to work’ imperil the right to health? The effect of labour unions on workplace fatalities. Occupational and Environmental Medicine. 75 (10): 736–738. doi:10.1136/oemed-2017-104747. ISSN 1351-0711. PMID 29898957. S2CID 49187014. Retrieved 31 January 2022. The Local Average Treatment Effect of a 1% decline in unionisation attributable to RTW is about a 5% increase in the rate of occupational fatalities. In total, RTW laws have led to a 14.2% increase in occupational mortality through decreased unionisation.
Further reading[edit]
Docherty, James C. Historical Dictionary of Organized Labor (2004) worldwide
Docherty, James C. The A to Z of Organized Labor (2010), worldwide
St. James Encyclopedia of Labor History Worldwide : Major Events in Labor History and Their Impact ed by Neil Schlager (2 vol. 2004)
Britain[edit]
Aldcroft, D. H. and Oliver, M. J., eds. Trade Unions and the Economy, 1870–2000. (2000).
Campbell, A., Fishman, N., and McIlroy, J. eds. British Trade Unions and Industrial Politics: The Post-War Compromise 1945–64 (1999).
Clegg, H.A. et al. A History of British Trade Unions Since 1889 (1964); A History of British Trade Unions Since 1889: vol. 2 1911–1933. (1985); A History of British Trade Unionism Since 1889, vol. 3: 1934–51 (1994), The major scholarly history; highly detailed.
Davies, A. J. To Build a New Jerusalem: Labour Movement from the 1890s to the 1990s (1996).
Laybourn, Keith. A history of British trade unionism c. 1770–1990 (1992).
Minkin, Lewis. The Contentious Alliance: Trade Unions and the Labour Party (1991) 708 pp online
Pelling, Henry. A history of British trade unionism (1987).
Wrigley, Chris, ed. British Trade Unions, 1945–1995 (Manchester University Press, 1997)
Zeitlin, Jonathan. From labour history to the history of industrial relations. Economic History Review 40.2 (1987): 159–184. Historiography
Directory of Employer’s Associations, Trade unions, Joint Organisations, published by HMSO (Her Majesty’s Stationery Office) on 1986 ISBN 0113612508
United States[edit]
Arnesen, Eric, ed. Encyclopedia of U.S. Labor and Working-Class History (2006), 3 vol; 2064pp; 650 articles by experts excerpt and text search
Beik, Millie, ed. Labor Relations: Major Issues in American History (2005) over 100 annotated primary documents excerpt and text search
Boris, Eileen, and Nelson Lichtenstein, eds. Major Problems In The History Of American Workers: Documents and Essays (2002)
Brody, David. In Labor’s Cause: Main Themes on the History of the American Worker (1993) excerpt and text search
Dubofsky, Melvyn, and Foster Rhea Dulles. Labor in America: A History (2004), textbook, based on earlier textbooks by Dulles.
Taylor, Paul F. The ABC-CLIO Companion to the American Labor Movement (1993) 237pp; short encyclopedia
Zieger, Robert H., and Gilbert J. Gall, American Workers, American Unions: The Twentieth Century(3rd ed. 2002) excerpt and text search
Europe[edit]
Berghahn, Volker R., and Detlev Karsten. Industrial Relations in West Germany (Bloomsbury Academic, 1988).
European Commission, Directorate General for Employment, Social Affairs & Inclusion: Industrial Relations in Europe 2010.
Gumbrell-McCormick, Rebecca, and Richard Hyman. Trade unions in western Europe: Hard times, hard choices (Oxford UP, 2013).
Kjellberg, Anders. The Decline in Swedish Union Density since 2007, Nordic Journal of Working Life Studies (NJWLS) Vol. 1. No 1 (August 2011), pp. 67–93.
Kjellberg, Anders (2017) The Membership Development of Swedish Trade Unions and Union Confederations Since the End of the Nineteenth Century (Studies in Social Policy, Industrial Relations, Working Life and Mobility). Research Reports 2017:2. Lund: Department of Sociology, Lund University.
Markovits, Andrei. The Politics of West German Trade Unions: Strategies of Class and Interest Representation in Growth and Crisis (Routledge, 2016).
McGaughey, Ewan, ‘Democracy or Oligarchy? Models of Union Governance in the UK, Germany and US’ (2017) ssrn.com
Misner, Paul. Catholic Labor Movements in Europe. Social Thought and Action, 1914–1965 (2015). online review
Mommsen, Wolfgang J., and Hans-Gerhard Husung, eds. The development of trade unionism in Great Britain and Germany, 1880–1914 (Taylor & Francis, 1985).
Ribeiro, Ana Teresa. Recent Trends in Collective Bargaining in Europe. E-Journal of International and Comparative Labour Studies 5.1 (2016). online d 11 January 2017 at the Wayback Machine
Upchurch, Martin, and Graham Taylor. The Crisis of Social Democratic Trade Unionism in Western Europe: The Search for Alternatives (Routledge, 2016).
Other[edit]
Alexander, Robert Jackson, and Eldon M. Parker. A history of organized labor in Brazil (Greenwood, 2003).
Dean, Adam. 2022. Opening Up By Cracking Down: Labor Repression and Trade Liberalization in Democratic Developing Countries. Cambridge University Press.
Hodder, A. and L. Kretsos, eds. Young Workers and Trade Unions: A Global View (Palgrave-Macmillan, 2015). review
Kester, Gérard. Trade unions and workplace democracy in Africa (Routledge, 2016).
Lenti, Joseph U. Redeeming the Revolution: The State and Organized Labor in Post-Tlatelolco Mexico (University of Nebraska Press, 2017).
Levitsky, Steven, and Scott Mainwaring. Organized labor and democracy in Latin America. Comparative Politics (2006): 21-42 online.
Lipton, Charles (1967). The Trade Union Movement of Canada: 1827–1959. (3rd ed. Toronto, Ont.: New Canada Publications, 1973).
Orr, Charles A. Trade Unionism in Colonial Africa Journal of Modern African Studies, 4 (1966), pp. 65–81
Panitch, Leo & Swartz, Donald (2003). From consent to coercion: The assault on trade union freedoms (third edition. Ontario: Garamound Press).
Taylor, Andrew. Trade Unions and Politics: A Comparative Introduction (Macmillan, 1989).
Visser, Jelle. Union membership statistics in 24 countries. Monthly Labor Review. 129 (2006): 38+ online
Visser, Jelle. ICTWSS: Database on institutional characteristics of trade unions, wage setting, state intervention and social pacts in 34 countries between 1960 and 2007. Institute for Advanced Labour Studies, AIAS, University of Amsterdam, Amsterdam (2011). online
External links[edit]
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Trade union.
Wikiquote has quotations related to Trade union.
Wikisource has the text of the 1911 Encyclopædia Britannica article Trade Unions.
LabourStart international trade union news service
RadioLabour
New Unionism Network d 6 January 2011 at the Wayback Machine
Younionize Global Union Directory d 5 November 2010 at the Wayback Machine
Australia[edit]
Australian Council of Trade Unions (ACTU) – Australian Council of Trade Unions
Europe[edit]
Trade union membership 1993–2003 – European Industrial Relations Observatory report on membership trends in 26 European countries
Trade union membership 2003–2008 – European Industrial Relations Observatory report on membership trends in 28 European countries
Trade Union Ancestors – Listing of 5,000 UK trade unions with histories of main organizations, trade union family trees and details of union membership and strikes since 1900.
TUC History online – History of the British union movement
Short history of the UGT in Catalonia
United States[edit]
Labor rights in the USA
Labor Notes magazine
show
vte
Organized labour

show
Trade unions by region

show
Links to related articles

show
Authority control